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What Trump’s Comeback May Mean for Africa

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By Farooq Kperogi

A few weeks ago, I spoke at a symposium in my university here in Georgia on the implications of the U.S. presidential election for the African diaspora. To the bemusement of my audience (who were a mix of Donald Trump and Kamala Harris supporters), I explained the curious phenomenon of African support for Donald Trump, particularly among Nigerian and Kenyan evangelicals.

I described how a surprising number of African Christians (and, in fact, some Muslims) consider Trump “God’s chosen one,” a valiant defender of conservative religious values whom they imagine will take on global LGBTQ rights with righteous vengeance.

The audience was incredulous and struggled to reconcile Trump’s infamous moral transgressions with his appeal to African conservatives. When I explained that these supporters see Trump as a warrior against the “cultural liberalism” they believe threatens their faith, eyebrows raised

The eyebrows raised even further when I pointed out that there are Muslims who are so disillusioned with the Biden/Harris administration’s support for Israel that they prayed for a Trump win even when Trump is more manifestly hawkish than Biden/Harris and so disdains Muslims that he enacted a “Muslim ban” (which actually included non-Muslims) within the first few months of his first presidency.

But here’s the crux: Donald Trump is no more interested in religious morality than he is in the theological reveries of his African fan base. He is, in truth, a transactional man, a walking paradox of deals and calculations, utterly bereft of the very spiritual or moral foundation his African supporters so naively project onto him.

Trump’s “faith,” such as it is, is at best a performance, an asset to be deployed for strategic gains among America’s own conservative Christians, whom he has calculatedly courted for votes. To imagine Trump as the champion of conservative religious values is to mistake calculation for conviction and propaganda for principle.
His record speaks louder than his rhetoric. In 2015, for example, at a gathering of conservative Christians in Iowa, he openly admitted he never asks God for forgiveness, a theological anathema for any believer.

Later, on the campaign trail, he betrayed his biblical unfamiliarity, when he clumsily referred to “Two Corinthians” rather than the more common “Second Corinthians.” A slip of the tongue, perhaps, but in a subsequent interview, he tried to salvage his Christian credibility but ended up quoting a verse that doesn’t even exist: “Never bend to envy,” he offered, an adage Christians say is found nowhere in the Bible.

Even when cornered about his favorite Bible verse, he misfired by citing “an eye for an eye,” a command Jesus explicitly repudiated. These are not the errors of a deeply religious man but the floundering of someone who considers faith a tool, not a calling.

Two Trump biographers sum up his attitude to Christianity and God nicely. Timothy O’Brien, in a 2007 book titled TrumpNation: The Art of Being Donald, wrote: “Donald has never been a spiritually or religiously serious person.”

And in 2001 book titled The Trumps: Three Generations That Built an Empire (which was revised and reissued as The Trumps: Three Generations of Builders and a President), Gwenda Blair wrote: “He’s a transactional guy with humans, and it’s no different with God — it’s all about whatever is to his advantage with regard to his supporters, and referencing God is exactly and only that.”

Yet for all his transparent artifice, Trump has nonetheless cast a beguiling spell on certain parts of Africa and the African diaspora, who see in him a savior of conservative values. They seem unfazed by the fact that his administration’s policies, his rhetoric, and his track record show little regard for Black humanity.

This disdain was palpable during his last tenure, and his recent rallies have done nothing to dispel it. Take, for instance, his unfounded claim during the first and only presidential debate that Black Haitian immigrants in Springfield, Ohio, were eating cats and dogs, a baseless assertion that isn’t just false but revelatory: it reveals a mind committed to degrading Blackness wherever he sees it.

There’s a dark and disheartening history here. Trump’s disdain for Black people isn’t new, nor has it emerged from thin air. His bigotry is old news, woven through an embroidery of disparaging comments, discriminatory practices, and racially motivated policies dating back decades.

In 1973, the Department of Justice sued Trump for refusing to rent apartments to Black families, citing his blatant violation of the Fair Housing Act. He fought the case before reluctantly signing an agreement to stop his racist practices.

His remarks afterward? He railed that the government was forcing him to rent to “welfare recipients,” the vile code by which he aligned poverty with Blackness. The sentiment was clear: in his mind, Black people didn’t belong, and it was his duty to keep them out.

Such is Trump’s enduring perspective, made all the more alarming by his political ascendance. The implications of his return for Africa are both direct and symbolic. During his previous presidency, Trump cut aid programs that many African countries rely on and dismissed African immigrants as a detriment to American society.

His rhetoric went beyond mere words; his policies made a statement, a policy posture that informed his supporters, shaped the broader narrative around Black immigration, and foreshadowed his now-infamous “shithole countries” comment in 2018.

When Trump disparaged Haiti, Nigeria, and other Black-majority nations in favor of immigration from Norway, it wasn’t just a one-off gaffe; it was a worldview rooted in negrophobic disdain.

In truth, Trump has never reckoned with the humanity of Black people. Even before his “shithole countries” remark, he lambasted a Black accountant in 1991, citing “laziness as a trait in Blacks.”

Years later, during his 2016 campaign, he praised Ann Coulter’s venomously xenophobic book, which decried the arrival of Nigerians in the United States as a criminal invasion.

His decision to block the appointment of Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, a Nigerian-American, to lead the World Trade Organization in 2020, was yet another evidence to his disregard for Black excellence—American citizenship or no.

This is not a man whose opinions have been shaped by reasoned disagreement but by ingrained prejudice and an unwavering belief that Black lives, both within and outside of America, are lesser. Such a man at the helm of one of the world’s most powerful nations isn’t just a potential diplomatic nightmare; it’s a moral catastrophe for those who value the dignity of human life.

For Africa, the implications of a Trump resurgence are manifold. His approach to immigration alone could lead to increased restrictions on Africans seeking opportunity or refuge in the United States.

His contempt for Africans doesn’t only taint those who seek to immigrate but extends to those who remain. His willingness to denigrate entire nations with his vile language reinforces a global view of Africa as “the other,” a place he deemed too backward to deserve respect or dignify.

But Trump’s leadership affects more than just immigration. His previous administration gutted health programs that African nations relied on to tackle AIDS, malaria, and other epidemics. His withdrawal from multilateral agreements and climate initiatives destabilized African countries that disproportionately suffer from the effects of global warming and benefit the least from its economic causes.

Africa is neither immune to nor shielded from Trump’s reign. From economic pressures to ideological disrespect, his contempt manifests as policies that undermine progress and sow the seeds of isolationism.

For Africans, Trump’s victory isn’t just a foreign policy issue; it’s a personal affront. It’s a slap in the face to the millions of Africans who know America as a country that historically symbolized freedom, opportunity, and hope.

Africa’s bond with the United States transcends politics; it is the memory of independence movements supported by the promise of democracy, the aspiration for economic opportunity, and the reverence for cultural exchange. Trump’s worldview, with its utter disregard for Black humanity, threatens to erode this bond, leaving in its wake a continent left to question its ties with the West.

The challenge before Africa is to use this moment as an opportunity for unity and self-determination. Trump’s contempt is an ugly mirror, a stark reminder that Africa cannot rely on foreign validation. Leaders and citizens alike must demand dignity, both in their interactions with the United States and in their own national narratives.

The message should be clear: Africa is neither a pawn nor a supplicant. It is a continent rich in resources, diversity, and human potential, undeserving of the scorn Trump so freely dispenses. Trump’s victory may symbolize a return to darkness, but it is also an opportunity to galvanize resilience.

Africa need not waste energy on a man who cannot see beyond his prejudice; instead, it should look to the future with resolve. Africa’s destiny lies not in the hands of a foreign leader, and certainly not in one so blind to its humanity. Let his disdain be a rallying cry, not for despair, but for Africa to rise on its own terms.

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Opinion

The Dark Side of Scavenging in Abuja: Health, Security, and Environmental Risks

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By Ade Iyamoye 

Scavenging, commonly known as ‘Baban Bola’ in Abuja, has become a source of growing concern for residents. While it provides a means of livelihood for many, the activities of these waste pickers are increasingly associated with health hazards, environmental degradation, and security threats.

Scavengers operate without protective gear, exposing themselves and the public to harmful waste materials. Studies have shown that prolonged exposure to toxic substances from waste dumps leads to respiratory infections, skin diseases, and eye irritation. The unhygienic handling of waste also increases the risk of disease outbreaks, endangering both the scavengers and the communities they operate in.

The indiscriminate sorting and disposal of waste contribute to environmental pollution. In some cases, scavengers resort to burning electronic waste to extract valuable metals, releasing harmful chemicals into the air. This practice not only depletes air quality but also contaminates soil and water sources, posing long-term risks to public health.

Beyond environmental and health risks, scavengers are increasingly linked to criminal activities. Residents have reported cases of vandalism, with scavengers stripping metal fittings from abandoned buildings, streetlights, and even vehicles. Some have also been accused of using their trade as a cover for theft and violent crimes, prompting calls for stricter regulations.

In certain instances, scavenger activities have led to fatal accidents. A tragic case in Abuja’s Sabon-Lugbe area saw a building collapse after scavengers tampered with its structure in search of scrap metal. Such incidents underscore the urgent need for authorities to enforce waste management laws and prevent further loss of lives.

While scavenging remains a survival strategy for many, its adverse effects cannot be ignored. The Abuja Environmental Protection Board (AEPB) and law enforcement agencies must implement stricter regulations to curb illegal scavenging. Providing alternative employment opportunities, improving waste recycling systems, and educating scavengers on safe practices could help mitigate the dangers associated with their activities.

If left unchecked, the menace of indiscriminate scavenging could escalate, posing even greater risks to Abuja residents. Now is the time for urgent action to protect public health, security, and the environment.

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Opinion

NYSC: Some Nigerian Youths Are Unemployable

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By Our Correspondent 

In a nation of over 200 million people, Nigeria is home to an immense youthful population, with young people aged between 15 and 35 making up over 60% of the total population.

However, despite the large number of young people in the country, there is a growing concern among employers, educators, and policymakers about the increasing unemployability of Nigerian youths.

What was once viewed as an enthusiastic and ambitious generation ready to contribute meaningfully to the country’s growth is now grappling with issues that hinder its ability to participate in the workforce.

One of the major initiatives meant to address youth unemployment in Nigeria is the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC).

The scheme, established in 1973 to foster national unity and development, has, over the years, become a rite of passage for university graduates.

The NYSC aims to equip young people with leadership skills, promote national integration, and serve as a platform to improve community development.

However, recent trends suggest that the current crop of corps members are often failing to live up to the scheme’s expectations.

A number of factors contribute to this growing crisis, from lack of initiative and laziness to inadequate education and skills development.

These challenges are exacerbated by a higher education system that has long been criticized for failing to equip students with marketable skills.

As a result, the reality of a significant number of Nigerian youths being unemployable looms large.

 

A Crisis of Skills

One of the core reasons for the growing unemployability of Nigerian youths is the disconnect between what is taught in schools and what the job market requires.

According to a 2022 report by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), over 23 million Nigerian youths are unemployed, with many more underemployed or working in informal sectors.

These numbers are reflective of a broader trend: the mismatch between academic qualifications and industry demands.

The Nigerian education system, particularly at the tertiary level, is often criticized for prioritizing theoretical knowledge over practical skills.

Most graduates leave university with limited hands-on experience, making them ill-prepared to meet the demands of the modern workforce. Furthermore, a significant proportion of graduates struggle with soft skills such as communication, problem-solving, and teamwork—skills that are essential for success in any job.

For example, recent surveys have shown that many Nigerian university graduates are unable to effectively express themselves in English, the language of business in the country.

A study by the World Bank highlighted that only 29% of university graduates in Nigeria were considered “adequately skilled” for the labor market.

 

The Role of NYSC

The NYSC program, which is supposed to provide young Nigerians with opportunities to develop leadership skills and contribute to national development, has also faced criticisms.

While some corps members utilize their service year to acquire valuable work experience and contribute meaningfully to their communities, others fail to do so, often due to a lack of initiative or apathy.

In some cases, it has been observed that some corps members exhibit laziness and an unwillingness to take on responsibilities.

A large number of them are unable to perform basic tasks such as communicating effectively in English, while some are unable to even write their names correctly.

Moreover, many corps members are reluctant to take up posts outside urban centers, preferring to serve in more comfortable locations.

This reluctance to step outside their comfort zones limits the potential impact of the NYSC program. The National Youth Service Corps was designed to address regional disparities and encourage national unity, but in recent years, it appears to have lost some of its relevance, especially in the face of widespread apathy and a lack of engagement from the youth.

 

The Impact on National Development

The implications of a growing population of unemployable youths are vast. When young people are unable to contribute meaningfully to the economy, it places a significant strain on national development.

The lack of a skilled workforce impacts industries across all sectors, from agriculture to technology, and limits the country’s ability to compete globally.

The rise of the “youth bulge,” where the population of young people continues to grow while job opportunities remain stagnant, has resulted in frustration, disillusionment, and in some cases, social unrest.

In a country where 60% of the population is under the age of 35, a failure to adequately address youth employability could exacerbate existing problems such as insecurity, poverty, and migration. For instance, the high rate of youth unemployment has been linked to the increase in youth involvement in criminal activities and militancy.

With no meaningful opportunities, many young Nigerians are turning to illegal ventures as a means of survival.

The Boko Haram insurgency, which has plagued the northeast, is a stark example of how unengaged and unemployed youths can be manipulated into violent extremism.

 

Efforts to Address the Problem

The government has implemented several initiatives aimed at improving the employability of Nigerian youths.

Programs such as the Nigerian Youth Employment and Social Support Operation (NYESO), and the National Social Investment Programme (NSIP), are designed to address youth unemployment and provide support for small businesses and job creation.

However, the scale of these programs often falls short of addressing the root causes of unemployability.

Additionally, there have been efforts to encourage skills acquisition and vocational training. Programs such as the National Directorate of Employment (NDE), provide various training opportunities for youths in different sectors.

These initiatives have had some success, but they often lack the necessary infrastructure and support to create lasting change. There is also the issue of youth mindset; many young Nigerians still place premium on white-collar jobs and are reluctant to embrace vocational training or entrepreneurship, viewing them as inferior alternatives.

 

The Way Forward

To tackle the issue of unemployability, a multifaceted approach is required. First, Nigeria needs a comprehensive overhaul of its education system.

This includes integrating practical skills training into the curriculum from an early age, promoting critical thinking, and encouraging entrepreneurial mindsets.

Educational institutions must focus on producing graduates who are not only academically capable but also possess the skills required to succeed in the real world.

Furthermore, the NYSC program should be restructured to encourage more proactive participation from corps members.

Instead of seeing their service year as an obligation, corps members should be encouraged to see it as an opportunity for self-improvement and contribution to national development.

This can be achieved through mentorship, leadership development programs, and exposure to real-world challenges.

In addition, the government must prioritize job creation and create an enabling environment for businesses to thrive.

Reducing the barriers to entry for small businesses, supporting startups, and investing in infrastructure are key components of this strategy.

Equally important is promoting the value of vocational training and entrepreneurship as viable alternatives to white-collar employment.

 

Conclusion

The unemployability of Nigerian youths is a crisis that requires urgent attention.

It is a crisis that is rooted in systemic issues within the education sector, a lack of skills development, and an inability to adapt to changing economic realities.

However, it is not insurmountable. By reforming the education system, improving vocational training, and fostering a culture of entrepreneurship, Nigeria can turn its youthful population from a burden into a boon.

It is time for both the government and the private sector to take bold steps toward tackling the root causes of youth unemployability and creating an environment where young Nigerians can thrive. The future of the nation depends on it.

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Opinion

The discordant voices in Ekiti APC

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By Gboyega Adeoye 

Governor Biodun Oyebanji of Ekiti State should be more alive to political happenings around him. The State’s All Progressives Congress (APC) may be gradually bleeding and there is need to be circumspect so as to be able to treat and then pull through 2026 political huddles seamlessly.

Yes, Governor Oyebanji should be attentive to the tiny sounds of the political drumbeats of the moment.

Many party members are unhappy. They are old politicians now being thought what’s to them arrant political gibberish.

Or how could you overlook your political party members to be throwing political favours overboard into the camp of visible opponent? How can members be comfortable in their enforced mute mode when appointments meant for them are given away to opponents?

Certainly they think all is not too smooth any longer with their beloved party and they are angry.

Many party leaders in the state expressed concern that party politics have changed dangerously in recent time, fueling suspicions that APC may be forced onto a rough road towards 2026

Kirijtimes investigation reveals that the APC is fast loosing steam among some members who have no smooth access to the Governor. A coterie of party members and cronies of the governor, are believed to have fenced out the bulk of members and they are currently disgruntled.

The situation is so bad that party activities at the ward and Constituency levels are almost zero. Members are unhappy, believing they can’t be working for a privileged few

The fear is that a ruling party with all chances of having unfettered access to holding on to power beyond 2026 is not only neglecting the bulk of its members but also arming it’s major opposition in the state, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), against itself.

Feelers are that, like never before, a lot of appointments went to the opposition PDP under the administration of incumbent governor Oyebanji, to the bewilderment of APC members in the state

It is also rumored that the ongoing overhead bridge project in the capital city Ado Ekiti, which is the biggest and most substantive contract by the administration, was awarded to a top PDP member and former governor of the state, who is now openly supporting the second coming of BAO.

In the face of the current political anomalies, elected members of the administration found a safe haven in Ado Ekiti, thus leaving members of their constituents and wards in tense political wilderness.

Ward meetings, seldom hold across the state and wherever it holds, you can only found few old members who will be there discussing their ordeal or how things are no longer the way it used to be with the party.

The pain among the tiring former committed members is that only the beneficiaries of present administration cannot mussle enough election strength that could guarantee victory for APC, should the table turned against whatever personal strategy the governor may be nursing

A staunch member who spoke to us on condition of anonymity said there are already whispers that the coming elections would spring some surprises within the party as feelers are assuming some level of reality that strong contenders within the party may start expressing their intention in the early part of 2025

The fear is that such development may badly polarize the party ahead of election and make victory for APC a mirage should the PDP has a gameplan they conceive and would eventually come up with.

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