Opinion

OPINION: The 18-year-old Age Limit for School Certificate

Published

5 months ago

August 31, 2024

editor

By Farooq A. Kperogi

The directive by education minister Professor Tahir Mamman to the West African Examinations Council (WAEC) and the National Examinations Council to not register candidates who are below 18 for next year’s school certificate examinations is generating knee-jerk resistance from people who are obviously nescient of the psychology and philosophy behind age benchmarks in education.

In most countries of the world, children don’t start primary school until they are 6, and young adults don’t start university until they are 18. That used to be true in Nigeria, too—until parents chose to skirt the law, upend time-tested tradition, and commit mass child abuse in the name of fast-tracking the education their children.

In fact, contrary to what the Nigerian news media has been reporting, Professor Mamman has not created a new law; he is only implementing the existing law. He hasn’t “banned” under-18 students from taking school certificate exams; he has merely chosen to enforce an extant law, which has been serially violated by overeager parents who want their children to get ahead by any means.

The 1982 education policy, also called the 6:3:3:4 system, requires that children should be at least 5 years old to start pre-primary school and at least 6 years old to start primary school. If a 6-year-old spends 6 years in primary school, 3 years in junior secondary school, and another 3 years in secondary school, they would be 18 by the time they graduate from secondary school.

This is the global standard. In the United States, students apply to enter universities between the ages of 18 and 19 (because if you don’t turn 6 in September of the year you want to start First Grade, you have to wait until next year). In Finland, Canada, the Netherlands, Japan, South Africa, Germany, the United Kingdom, France, Denmark, etc. it is 18.

The age benchmark isn’t arbitrary. It is based on time-honored insights from developmental psychology and educational research, which examined the cognitive, social, and emotional developments of children.

For example, Jean Piaget’s stages of cognitive development tell us that around age 6, children transition from what is called the preoperational stage to the concrete operational stage, at which point they begin to develop logical thinking, which is essential for learning the structured curriculum of primary school education, such as reading, writing, and mathematics.

Research also shows that children develop the social skills needed to interact with peers and teachers in a school environment and the attention span necessary to learn, absorb information, and stay engaged at 6, and that children who start school too early struggle with these skills, which can lead to long-term challenges in academic and social areas.

That was why the late Professor Aliu Babatunde Fafunwa was famous for saying any education of children before the age of 5 is a waste of time and even child abuse. From ages 1 through 5, children should be allowed to be children: sleep, play, laugh, and grow.

Of course, I recognize that because most mothers now work, enrolling children in schools earlier than is ideal is a necessity. But the busy schedule of parents is no excuse to buck science, ignore the requirements of a well-integrated childhood, and contribute to the mass production of maladjusted adults.

Similarly, research in developmental psychology shows that by age 18, most teenagers have reached a level of emotional and social maturity that enables them to live independently, make decisions, and handle the challenges of university life.

Neuroscientific research also shows that the brain continues to develop well into the early twenties, particularly the prefrontal cortex, which is responsible for decision-making, impulse control, and planning. By age 18, the brain has typically matured enough to handle the complex cognitive demands of higher education.

Plus, in many countries, including in Nigeria, 18 is the age of legal adulthood, which aligns with the transition to university. This legal framework supports the idea that students are ready to take on the responsibilities associated with higher education, such as managing their own time, finances, and education.

Of course, as with everything, there are always exceptions. Precocious children can and do skip grades and start university earlier than 18 even in the United States and elsewhere. There are exceptionally gifted children who graduate from university as early as 11. But such students undergo rigorous tests to determine that they have intelligence that is far ahead of normal developmental schedules. They are also few and far between.

That’s not the situation in Nigeria. Just like our bad national habit of always wanting to jump the queue—what Americans call cut in line—Nigerian parents have, over the years, developed impatience for the normal development schedules of their children and want them to get ahead against the evidence of science, common sense, and even the law of the land.

It is not because their children are exceptional. In fact, they are often mediocre. For example, my brother’s son, who is only 14 years old and with average intelligence, registered to take his WAEC exam this year. I told my brother that was inexcusable child abuse.

Nigeria has a bad reputation across the world for sending underage children not just to domestic universities but also to foreign universities. People who work at the International Student and Scholar Services at the university where I am a professor have asked me multiple times why only Nigeria sends underage students here.

The consensus is that such students often lack maturity, have difficulty engaging in adult conversations, and struggle to fit in and get the best of the opportunities they have.

Several Nigerians who teach at other U.S. universities share the same stories. As I pointed out earlier, here in the United States, like in most other countries of the world, students don’t begin their undergraduate education until they are 18, which also happens to be the age of consent. A student who is under 18, by law, can’t attend several extra-curricular activities undergraduates typically take part in.

They need waivers signed by their parents to participate in certain activities, but since their parents are often in Nigeria, they pose logistical nightmares for universities.

For example, in the United States, by law, you can’t sign a lease agreement (to rent an apartment) if you are not at least 18 years old. Many underage Nigerian undergraduates at my school require an adult to co-sign for them. Since their parents are in Nigeria, the burden often falls on Nigerian professors and staff, who are understandably reluctant to co-sign leases of underage strangers who could break their agreements and put us in legal jeopardy.

Dating is also a treacherous legal minefield for the American classmates of underage Nigerian undergraduates in American universities. Having intimate relationship with anyone who is under 18 is statutory rape, even if it is consensual. I am aware of the story of a 17-year-old second-year Nigerian undergraduate girl who had a disagreement with her boyfriend who was from another African country.

Neighbors called the police to intervene. When the police asked for their ID cards, they discovered that the Nigerian girl was underaged. It led to the imprisonment—and later deportation— of the man for statutory rape even when their relationship was consensual. Stories like this are not unique.

Unless someone is exceptionally gifted, which should be proved conclusively with special tests, they should not start university earlier than 18. Fortunately, that is already the law, which is informed by the consensus of research findings in developmental psychology, neuroscience, and social research. Professor Mamman has only signaled his readiness to apply the law. He has my full support.

I read that the National Parent Teacher Association of Nigeria (NAPTAN) said they would sue the federal government for indicating readiness to implement a law that has been in the books for more than 40 years. Good luck with that!

Opinion

NYSC: Some Nigerian Youths Are Unemployable

Published

2 weeks ago

January 12, 2025

Samson Adeyanju

By Our Correspondent

In a nation of over 200 million people, Nigeria is home to an immense youthful population, with young people aged between 15 and 35 making up over 60% of the total population.

However, despite the large number of young people in the country, there is a growing concern among employers, educators, and policymakers about the increasing unemployability of Nigerian youths.

What was once viewed as an enthusiastic and ambitious generation ready to contribute meaningfully to the country’s growth is now grappling with issues that hinder its ability to participate in the workforce.

One of the major initiatives meant to address youth unemployment in Nigeria is the National Youth Service Corps (NYSC).

The scheme, established in 1973 to foster national unity and development, has, over the years, become a rite of passage for university graduates.

The NYSC aims to equip young people with leadership skills, promote national integration, and serve as a platform to improve community development.

However, recent trends suggest that the current crop of corps members are often failing to live up to the scheme’s expectations.

A number of factors contribute to this growing crisis, from lack of initiative and laziness to inadequate education and skills development.

These challenges are exacerbated by a higher education system that has long been criticized for failing to equip students with marketable skills.

As a result, the reality of a significant number of Nigerian youths being unemployable looms large.

A Crisis of Skills

One of the core reasons for the growing unemployability of Nigerian youths is the disconnect between what is taught in schools and what the job market requires.

According to a 2022 report by the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), over 23 million Nigerian youths are unemployed, with many more underemployed or working in informal sectors.

These numbers are reflective of a broader trend: the mismatch between academic qualifications and industry demands.

The Nigerian education system, particularly at the tertiary level, is often criticized for prioritizing theoretical knowledge over practical skills.

Most graduates leave university with limited hands-on experience, making them ill-prepared to meet the demands of the modern workforce. Furthermore, a significant proportion of graduates struggle with soft skills such as communication, problem-solving, and teamwork—skills that are essential for success in any job.

For example, recent surveys have shown that many Nigerian university graduates are unable to effectively express themselves in English, the language of business in the country.

A study by the World Bank highlighted that only 29% of university graduates in Nigeria were considered “adequately skilled” for the labor market.

The Role of NYSC

The NYSC program, which is supposed to provide young Nigerians with opportunities to develop leadership skills and contribute to national development, has also faced criticisms.

While some corps members utilize their service year to acquire valuable work experience and contribute meaningfully to their communities, others fail to do so, often due to a lack of initiative or apathy.

In some cases, it has been observed that some corps members exhibit laziness and an unwillingness to take on responsibilities.

A large number of them are unable to perform basic tasks such as communicating effectively in English, while some are unable to even write their names correctly.

Moreover, many corps members are reluctant to take up posts outside urban centers, preferring to serve in more comfortable locations.

This reluctance to step outside their comfort zones limits the potential impact of the NYSC program. The National Youth Service Corps was designed to address regional disparities and encourage national unity, but in recent years, it appears to have lost some of its relevance, especially in the face of widespread apathy and a lack of engagement from the youth.

The Impact on National Development

The implications of a growing population of unemployable youths are vast. When young people are unable to contribute meaningfully to the economy, it places a significant strain on national development.

The lack of a skilled workforce impacts industries across all sectors, from agriculture to technology, and limits the country’s ability to compete globally.

The rise of the “youth bulge,” where the population of young people continues to grow while job opportunities remain stagnant, has resulted in frustration, disillusionment, and in some cases, social unrest.

In a country where 60% of the population is under the age of 35, a failure to adequately address youth employability could exacerbate existing problems such as insecurity, poverty, and migration. For instance, the high rate of youth unemployment has been linked to the increase in youth involvement in criminal activities and militancy.

With no meaningful opportunities, many young Nigerians are turning to illegal ventures as a means of survival.

The Boko Haram insurgency, which has plagued the northeast, is a stark example of how unengaged and unemployed youths can be manipulated into violent extremism.

Efforts to Address the Problem

The government has implemented several initiatives aimed at improving the employability of Nigerian youths.

Programs such as the Nigerian Youth Employment and Social Support Operation (NYESO), and the National Social Investment Programme (NSIP), are designed to address youth unemployment and provide support for small businesses and job creation.

However, the scale of these programs often falls short of addressing the root causes of unemployability.

Additionally, there have been efforts to encourage skills acquisition and vocational training. Programs such as the National Directorate of Employment (NDE), provide various training opportunities for youths in different sectors.

These initiatives have had some success, but they often lack the necessary infrastructure and support to create lasting change. There is also the issue of youth mindset; many young Nigerians still place premium on white-collar jobs and are reluctant to embrace vocational training or entrepreneurship, viewing them as inferior alternatives.

The Way Forward

To tackle the issue of unemployability, a multifaceted approach is required. First, Nigeria needs a comprehensive overhaul of its education system.

This includes integrating practical skills training into the curriculum from an early age, promoting critical thinking, and encouraging entrepreneurial mindsets.

Educational institutions must focus on producing graduates who are not only academically capable but also possess the skills required to succeed in the real world.

Furthermore, the NYSC program should be restructured to encourage more proactive participation from corps members.

Instead of seeing their service year as an obligation, corps members should be encouraged to see it as an opportunity for self-improvement and contribution to national development.

This can be achieved through mentorship, leadership development programs, and exposure to real-world challenges.

In addition, the government must prioritize job creation and create an enabling environment for businesses to thrive.

Reducing the barriers to entry for small businesses, supporting startups, and investing in infrastructure are key components of this strategy.

Equally important is promoting the value of vocational training and entrepreneurship as viable alternatives to white-collar employment.

Conclusion

The unemployability of Nigerian youths is a crisis that requires urgent attention.

It is a crisis that is rooted in systemic issues within the education sector, a lack of skills development, and an inability to adapt to changing economic realities.

However, it is not insurmountable. By reforming the education system, improving vocational training, and fostering a culture of entrepreneurship, Nigeria can turn its youthful population from a burden into a boon.

It is time for both the government and the private sector to take bold steps toward tackling the root causes of youth unemployability and creating an environment where young Nigerians can thrive. The future of the nation depends on it.

Opinion

The discordant voices in Ekiti APC

Published

4 weeks ago

December 28, 2024

Samson Adeyanju

By Gboyega Adeoye

Governor Biodun Oyebanji of Ekiti State should be more alive to political happenings around him. The State’s All Progressives Congress (APC) may be gradually bleeding and there is need to be circumspect so as to be able to treat and then pull through 2026 political huddles seamlessly.

Yes, Governor Oyebanji should be attentive to the tiny sounds of the political drumbeats of the moment.

Many party members are unhappy. They are old politicians now being thought what’s to them arrant political gibberish.

Or how could you overlook your political party members to be throwing political favours overboard into the camp of visible opponent? How can members be comfortable in their enforced mute mode when appointments meant for them are given away to opponents?

Certainly they think all is not too smooth any longer with their beloved party and they are angry.

Many party leaders in the state expressed concern that party politics have changed dangerously in recent time, fueling suspicions that APC may be forced onto a rough road towards 2026

Kirijtimes investigation reveals that the APC is fast loosing steam among some members who have no smooth access to the Governor. A coterie of party members and cronies of the governor, are believed to have fenced out the bulk of members and they are currently disgruntled.

The situation is so bad that party activities at the ward and Constituency levels are almost zero. Members are unhappy, believing they can’t be working for a privileged few

The fear is that a ruling party with all chances of having unfettered access to holding on to power beyond 2026 is not only neglecting the bulk of its members but also arming it’s major opposition in the state, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), against itself.

Feelers are that, like never before, a lot of appointments went to the opposition PDP under the administration of incumbent governor Oyebanji, to the bewilderment of APC members in the state

It is also rumored that the ongoing overhead bridge project in the capital city Ado Ekiti, which is the biggest and most substantive contract by the administration, was awarded to a top PDP member and former governor of the state, who is now openly supporting the second coming of BAO.

In the face of the current political anomalies, elected members of the administration found a safe haven in Ado Ekiti, thus leaving members of their constituents and wards in tense political wilderness.

Ward meetings, seldom hold across the state and wherever it holds, you can only found few old members who will be there discussing their ordeal or how things are no longer the way it used to be with the party.

The pain among the tiring former committed members is that only the beneficiaries of present administration cannot mussle enough election strength that could guarantee victory for APC, should the table turned against whatever personal strategy the governor may be nursing

A staunch member who spoke to us on condition of anonymity said there are already whispers that the coming elections would spring some surprises within the party as feelers are assuming some level of reality that strong contenders within the party may start expressing their intention in the early part of 2025

The fear is that such development may badly polarize the party ahead of election and make victory for APC a mirage should the PDP has a gameplan they conceive and would eventually come up with.

Opinion

Violence in Mozambique: Filipe Nyusi’s State of Emergency Proposal Faces Backlash

Published

4 weeks ago

December 28, 2024

Samson Adeyanju

By Gboyega Adeoye

Experts have faulted the controversial proposal of President Filipe Nyusi to declare a state of emergency across the nation to curb the escalating violence and widespread destruction following the nationwide election.

Mozambique, a Portuguese-speaking country located in southeastern Africa, is currently grappling with a severe security crisis that has seen escalating violence and widespread destruction.

In recent weeks, the country has witnessed a surge in armed attacks, property damage, and growing public unrest.

In response to the alarming situation, President Filipe Nyusi has made a controversial proposal to declare a state of emergency across the nation.

While this move aims to curb violence, experts and critics warn that it may have unintended consequences, further intensifying the crisis rather than resolving it.

Nyusi’s government has been under increasing pressure to address the mounting violence attributed to armed opposition groups.

These groups, including small party, Optimistic Party for the Development of Mozambique (Podemos), have been accused of launching violent attacks on civilian infrastructure, government facilities, and military personnel.

The chaos has led to the displacement of thousands of people, further destabilizing an already fragile nation.

The proposal for a state of emergency is a drastic measure that would grant the government sweeping powers to restrict civil liberties and deploy additional security forces to restore order.

However, the decision has been met with widespread skepticism. Many fear that the move could exacerbate the existing violence, emboldening opposition forces rather than suppressing them.

“Declaring a state of emergency will only give further impetus to the opposition to escalate their violent activities,” said António dos Santos, a political analyst based in Maputo. “Rather than addressing the root causes of the conflict, it risks escalating the violence and undermining efforts toward national reconciliation.”

They contend that the violence in Mozambique stems from political, economic, and social grievances that cannot be addressed by simply suspending civil liberties and deploying more troops.

Experts emphasize that the true solution lies in a comprehensive strategy focused on dialogue, reconciliation, and the strengthening of state institutions.

While the government insists that the state of emergency will restore stability, the broader public remains unconvinced.

“The government’s response so far has been ineffective in stopping the violence,” said Maria Nhambe, a resident of central Mozambique, which has been heavily impacted by recent attacks.

“We need more than just a state of emergency. We need to address the root causes of the conflict and hold those responsible accountable.”

Many feel that the government’s focus on security measures has overshadowed the need for dialogue and justice.

The opposition, which accuses the government of electoral fraud and corruption, has vowed to continue its resistance through armed struggle, rejecting any political solution that does not include fundamental changes in governance.

Human rights organizations have expressed deep concern over the potential for further abuses if a state of emergency is declared.

Despite these warnings, Nyusi remains firm in his stance, arguing that the state of emergency is necessary to restore order and prevent further deterioration of security.

In a recent speech, the president declared, “We must do everything in our power to protect our citizens and defend the sovereignty of our nation. The state of emergency will allow us to confront the violent elements threatening our peace.”

However, experts suggest that Nyusi’s approach is overly simplistic and fails to address the complexities of the situation. “Violence cannot be solved by simply throwing more troops into the mix,” said José Chissano, a former diplomat and peacebuilding advocate.

“The government must engage in a comprehensive effort to understand the underlying issues and work with all stakeholders to find a lasting solution.”

It is increasingly clear that a state of emergency alone will not solve Mozambique’s crisis. Instead, the government must focus on enforcing law and order through established state security agencies, ensuring that those responsible for violence are held accountable through the judicial system.

Moreover, those who feel aggrieved by the electoral process and the government’s actions must be encouraged to seek redress through the proper legal channels.

The courts, not the streets, should be the avenue for resolving political disputes. Fostering trust in the judiciary and promoting transparency in governance are critical steps toward achieving long-term peace and stability in Mozambique.

Despite the challenges, there is still hope that Mozambique can overcome its current crisis. With the right combination of security measures, judicial reforms, and political dialogue, the country can begin the process of healing.

However, time is running out, and the international community must continue to monitor the situation closely to ensure that Mozambique does not descend further into violence.

The Mozambican people deserve peace, stability, and justice. The government must act responsibly and engage all parties in finding a peaceful resolution to the current crisis. Only through dialogue, law enforcement, and a commitment to democratic principles can Mozambique hope to break free from the cycle of violence that has plagued the nation for far too long.